Schwarz writes: "While the international outcry over the Kunduz airstrikes
has been significant, history suggests this is less because of what happened
and more because of whom it happened to. The U.S. has repeatedly attacked
civilian facilities in the past but the targets have generally not been
affiliated with a European, Nobel Peace Prize-winning humanitarian
organization such as MSF."
Doctors Without Borders hospital in Kunduz, Afghanistan, photographed
burning after US airstrike. (photo: MSF/AP)
A Short History of US Bombing Civilian Facilities
By Jon Schwarz, The Intercept
09 October 15
On October 3, a U.S. AC-130 gunship attacked a hospital run by Médecins Sans
Frontières in Kunduz, Afghanistan, partially destroying it. Twelve staff
members and 10 patients, including three children, were killed, and 37
people were injured. According to MSF, the U.S. had previously been informed
of the hospitals precise location, and the attack continued for 30 minutes
after staff members desperately called the U.S. military.
The U.S. first claimed the hospital had been collateral damage in an
airstrike aimed at individuals elsewhere who were threatening the force.
Since then, various vague and contradictory explanations have been offered
by the U.S. and Afghan governments, both of which promise to investigate the
bombing. MSF has called the attack a war crime and demanded an independent
investigation by a commission set up under the Geneva Conventions.
While the international outcry has been significant, history suggests this
is less because of what happened and more because of whom it happened to.
The U.S. has repeatedly attacked civilian facilities in the past but the
targets have generally not been affiliated with a European, Nobel Peace
Prize-winning humanitarian organization such as MSF.
Below is a sampling of such incidents since the 1991 Gulf War. If you
believe some significant examples are missing, please send them our way . To
be clear, were looking for U.S. attacks on specifically civilian
facilities, such as hospitals or schools.
Illustration. (photo: Matt Bors)
Infant Formula Production Plant, Abu Ghraib, Iraq (January 21, 1991)
On the seventh day of Operation Desert Storm, aimed at evicting Iraq
military forces from Kuwait, the U.S.-led coalition bombed the Infant
Formula Production Plant in the Abu Ghraib suburb of Baghdad. Iraq declared
that the factory was exactly what its name said, but the administration of
President George H.W. Bush claimed it was a production facility for
biological weapons. Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, chimed in to say, It is not an infant formula factory. It was a
biological weapons facility of that we are sure. The U.S. media chortled
about Iraqs clumsy, transparent propaganda, and CNNs Peter Arnett was
attacked by U.S. politicians for touring the damaged factory and reporting
that whatever else it did, it did produce infant formula.
Iraq was telling the truth. When Saddam Husseins son-in-law, Hussein Kamel,
defected to Jordan in 1995, he had every incentive to undermine Saddam,
since he hoped the U.S. would help install him as his father-in-laws
successor but he told CNN there is nothing military about that place.
It only produced baby milk. The CIAs own investigation later concluded the
site had been bombed in the mistaken belief that it was a key BW
[Biological Weapon] facility. The original U.S. claims have nevertheless
proven impossible to stamp out. The George W. Bush administration, making
the case for invading Iraq in 2003, portrayed the factory as a symbol of
Iraqi deceit. When the Newseum opened in 2008, it included Arnetts 1991
reporting in a section devoted to in the New York Times description
examples of distortions that mar the profession.
Air Raid Shelter, Amiriyah, Iraq (February 13, 1991)
The U.S. purposefully targeted an air raid shelter near the Baghdad airport
with two 2,000-pound laser-guided bombs, which punched through 10 feet of
concrete and killed at least 408 Iraqi civilians. A BBC journalist reported
that we saw the charred and mutilated remains.
They were piled onto the
back of a truck; many were barely recognizable as human. Meanwhile, Army
Lt. Gen. Thomas Kelly of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff said: We are
chagrined if [civilian] people were hurt, but the only information we have
about people being hurt is coming out of the controlled press in Baghdad.
Another U.S. general claimed the shelter was an active command-and-control
structure, while anonymous officials said military trucks and limousines
for Iraqs senior leadership had been seen at the building.
In his 1995 CNN interview, Hussein Kamel said, There was no leadership
there. There was a transmission apparatus for the Iraqi intelligence, but
the allies had the ability to monitor that apparatus and knew that it was
not important. The Iraqi blogger Riverbend later wrote that several years
after the attack, she went to the shelter and met a small, slight woman
who now lived in the shelter and gave visitors unofficial tours. Eight of
her nine children had been killed in the bombing.
Al Shifa pharmaceutical factory, Khartoum, Sudan (August 20, 1998)
After al Qaeda attacks on U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, the
Clinton administration targeted the Al Shifa factory with 13 cruise
missiles, killing one person and wounding 11. According to President Bill
Clinton, the plant was associated with the bin Laden network and was
involved in the production of materials for chemical weapons.
The Clinton administration never produced any convincing evidence that this
was true. By 2005, the best the U.S. could do was say, as the New York Times
characterized it, that it had not ruled out the possibility that the
original claims were right. The long-term damage to Sudan was enormous.
Jonathan Belke of the Near East Foundation pointed out a year after the
bombing that the plant had produced 90 percent of Sudans major
pharmaceutical products and contended that due to its destruction tens of
thousands of people many of them children have suffered and died from
malaria, tuberculosis, and other treatable diseases. Sudan has repeatedly
requested a U.N. investigation of the bombing, with no success.
Train bombing, Grdelica, Serbia (April 12, 1999)
During the U.S.-led bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo war, an F-15E
fighter jet fired two remotely-guided missiles that hit a train crossing a
bridge near Grdelica, killing at least 14 civilians. Gen. Wesley Clark, then
Supreme Allied Commander Europe, called it an unfortunate incident we all
regret. While the F-15 crew was able to control the missiles after they
were launched, NATO released footage taken from the plane to demonstrate how
quickly the train was moving and how little time the jets crew had to
react. The German newspaper Frankfurter Rundschau later reported that the
video had been sped up three times. The paper quoted a U.S. Air Force
spokesperson who said this was accidental, and they had not noticed this
until months later by which point we did not deem it useful to go public
with this.
Radio Television Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia (April 23, 1999)
Sixteen employees of Serbias state broadcasting system were killed during
the Kosovo War when NATO intentionally targeted its headquarters in
Belgrade. President Clinton gave an underwhelming defense of the bombing:
Our military leaders at NATO believe
that the Serb television is an
essential instrument of Mr. Milosevics command and control.
It is not, in
a conventional sense, therefore, a media outlet. That was a decision they
made, and I did not reverse it. U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke told the
Overseas Press Club immediately after the attack that it was an enormously
important and, I think, positive development. Amnesty International later
stated it was a deliberate attack on a civilian object and as such
constitutes a war crime.
Chinese Embassy, Belgrade, Serbia (May 7, 1999)
Also during the Kosovo war, the U.S. bombed the Chinese embassy in Serbias
capital, killing three staff and wounding more than 20. The defense
secretary at the time, William Cohen, said it was a terrible mistake: One
of our planes attacked the wrong target because the bombing instructions
were based on an outdated map. The Observer newspaper in the U.K. later
reported the U.S. had in fact deliberately targeted the embassy after
discovering it was being used to transmit Yugoslav army communications. The
Observer quoted a source in the U.S. National Imagery and Mapping Agency
calling Cohens version of events a damned lie. Prodded by the media
watchdog organization Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, the New York Times
produced its own investigation finding no evidence that the bombing of the
embassy had been a deliberate act, but rather that it had been caused by a
bizarre chain of missteps. The article concluded by quoting Porter Goss,
then chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, as saying he believed the
bombing was not deliberate unless some people are lying to me.
Red Cross complex, Kabul, Afghanistan (October 16 and October 26, 2001)
At the beginning of the U.S-led invasion of Afghanistan, the U.S. attacked
the complex housing the International Committee of the Red Cross in Kabul.
In an attempt to prevent such incidents in the future, the U.S. conducted
detailed discussions with the Red Cross about the location of all of its
installations in the country. Then the U.S. bombed the same complex again.
The second attack destroyed warehouses containing tons of food and supplies
for refugees. Whoever is responsible will have to come to Geneva for a
formal explanation, said a Red Cross spokesperson. Firing, shooting,
bombing, a warehouse clearly marked with the Red Cross emblem is a very
serious incident.
Now weve got 55,000 people without that food or
blankets, with nothing at all.
Al Jazeera office, Kabul, Afghanistan (November 13, 2001)
Several weeks after the Red Cross attacks, the U.S. bombed the Kabul bureau
of Al Jazeera, destroying it and damaging the nearby office of the BBC. Al
Jazeeras managing director said the channel had repeatedly informed the
U.S. military of its offices location.
Al Jazeera office, Baghdad, Iraq (April 8, 2003)
Soon after the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, the U.S. bombed the
Baghdad office of Al Jazeera, killing reporter Tarek Ayoub and injuring
another journalist. David Blunkett, the British home secretary at the time,
subsequently revealed that a few weeks before the attack he had urged Prime
Minister Tony Blair to bomb Al Jazeeras transmitter in Baghdad. Blunkett
argued, I dont think that there are targets in a war that you can rule out
because you dont actually have military personnel inside them if they are
attempting to win a propaganda battle on behalf of your enemy.
In 2005, the British newspaper The Mirror reported on a British government
memorandum recording an April 16, 2004, conversation between Blair and
President Bush at the height of the U.S. assault on Fallujah in Iraq. The
Bush administration was infuriated by Al Jazeeras coverage of Fallujah, and
according to The Mirror, Bush had wanted to bomb the channel at its Qatar
headquarters and elsewhere. However, the article says, Blair argued him out
of it. Blair subsequently called The Mirrors claims a conspiracy theory.
Meanwhile, his attorney general threatened to use the Official Secrets Act
to prosecute any news outlet that published further information about the
memo, and, in a secret trial, did in fact prosecute and send to jail a civil
servant for leaking it.
Palestine Hotel, Baghdad, Iraq (April 8, 2003)
The same day as the 2003 bombing of the Al Jazeera office in Baghdad, a U.S.
tank fired a shell at the 15th floor of the Palestine Hotel, where most
foreign journalists were then staying. Two reporters were killed: Taras
Protsyuk, a cameraman for Reuters, and Jose Couso, a cameraman for the
Spanish network Telecinco. An investigation by the Committee to Protect
Journalists concluded that the attack, while not deliberate, was
avoidable.
Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink reference not valid.
Doctors Without Borders hospital in Kunduz, Afghanistan, photographed
burning after US airstrike. (photo: MSF/AP)
https://theintercept.com/2015/10/07/a-short-history-of-u-s-bombing-of-civili
an-facilities/https://theintercept.com/2015/10/07/a-short-history-of-u-s-bom
bing-of-civilian-facilities/
A Short History of US Bombing Civilian Facilities
By Jon Schwarz, The Intercept
09 October 15
n October 3, a U.S. AC-130 gunship attacked a hospital run by Médecins Sans
Frontières in Kunduz, Afghanistan, partially destroying it. Twelve staff
members and 10 patients, including three children, were killed, and 37
people were injured. According to MSF, the U.S. had previously been informed
of the hospitals precise location, and the attack continued for 30 minutes
after staff members desperately called the U.S. military.
The U.S. first claimed the hospital had been collateral damage in an
airstrike aimed at individuals elsewhere who were threatening the force.
Since then, various vague and contradictory explanations have been offered
by the U.S. and Afghan governments, both of which promise to investigate the
bombing. MSF has called the attack a war crime and demanded an independent
investigation by a commission set up under the Geneva Conventions.
While the international outcry has been significant, history suggests this
is less because of what happened and more because of whom it happened to.
The U.S. has repeatedly attacked civilian facilities in the past but the
targets have generally not been affiliated with a European, Nobel Peace
Prize-winning humanitarian organization such as MSF.
Below is a sampling of such incidents since the 1991 Gulf War. If you
believe some significant examples are missing, please send them our way. To
be clear, were looking for U.S. attacks on specifically civilian
facilities, such as hospitals or schools.
Illustration. (photo: Matt Bors)
Infant Formula Production Plant, Abu Ghraib, Iraq (January 21, 1991)
On the seventh day of Operation Desert Storm, aimed at evicting Iraq
military forces from Kuwait, the U.S.-led coalition bombed the Infant
Formula Production Plant in the Abu Ghraib suburb of Baghdad. Iraq declared
that the factory was exactly what its name said, but the administration of
President George H.W. Bush claimed it was a production facility for
biological weapons. Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, chimed in to say, It is not an infant formula factory. It was a
biological weapons facility of that we are sure. The U.S. media chortled
about Iraqs clumsy, transparent propaganda, and CNNs Peter Arnett was
attacked by U.S. politicians for touring the damaged factory and reporting
that whatever else it did, it did produce infant formula.
Iraq was telling the truth. When Saddam Husseins son-in-law, Hussein Kamel,
defected to Jordan in 1995, he had every incentive to undermine Saddam,
since he hoped the U.S. would help install him as his father-in-laws
successor but he told CNN there is nothing military about that place.
It only produced baby milk. The CIAs own investigation later concluded the
site had been bombed in the mistaken belief that it was a key BW
[Biological Weapon] facility. The original U.S. claims have nevertheless
proven impossible to stamp out. The George W. Bush administration, making
the case for invading Iraq in 2003, portrayed the factory as a symbol of
Iraqi deceit. When the Newseum opened in 2008, it included Arnetts 1991
reporting in a section devoted to in the New York Times description
examples of distortions that mar the profession.
Air Raid Shelter, Amiriyah, Iraq (February 13, 1991)
The U.S. purposefully targeted an air raid shelter near the Baghdad airport
with two 2,000-pound laser-guided bombs, which punched through 10 feet of
concrete and killed at least 408 Iraqi civilians. A BBC journalist reported
that we saw the charred and mutilated remains.
They were piled onto the
back of a truck; many were barely recognizable as human. Meanwhile, Army
Lt. Gen. Thomas Kelly of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff said: We are
chagrined if [civilian] people were hurt, but the only information we have
about people being hurt is coming out of the controlled press in Baghdad.
Another U.S. general claimed the shelter was an active command-and-control
structure, while anonymous officials said military trucks and limousines
for Iraqs senior leadership had been seen at the building.
In his 1995 CNN interview, Hussein Kamel said, There was no leadership
there. There was a transmission apparatus for the Iraqi intelligence, but
the allies had the ability to monitor that apparatus and knew that it was
not important. The Iraqi blogger Riverbend later wrote that several years
after the attack, she went to the shelter and met a small, slight woman
who now lived in the shelter and gave visitors unofficial tours. Eight of
her nine children had been killed in the bombing.
Al Shifa pharmaceutical factory, Khartoum, Sudan (August 20, 1998)
After al Qaeda attacks on U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, the
Clinton administration targeted the Al Shifa factory with 13 cruise
missiles, killing one person and wounding 11. According to President Bill
Clinton, the plant was associated with the bin Laden network and was
involved in the production of materials for chemical weapons.
The Clinton administration never produced any convincing evidence that this
was true. By 2005, the best the U.S. could do was say, as the New York Times
characterized it, that it had not ruled out the possibility that the
original claims were right. The long-term damage to Sudan was enormous.
Jonathan Belke of the Near East Foundation pointed out a year after the
bombing that the plant had produced 90 percent of Sudans major
pharmaceutical products and contended that due to its destruction tens of
thousands of people many of them children have suffered and died from
malaria, tuberculosis, and other treatable diseases. Sudan has repeatedly
requested a U.N. investigation of the bombing, with no success.
Train bombing, Grdelica, Serbia (April 12, 1999)
During the U.S.-led bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo war, an F-15E
fighter jet fired two remotely-guided missiles that hit a train crossing a
bridge near Grdelica, killing at least 14 civilians. Gen. Wesley Clark, then
Supreme Allied Commander Europe, called it an unfortunate incident we all
regret. While the F-15 crew was able to control the missiles after they
were launched, NATO released footage taken from the plane to demonstrate how
quickly the train was moving and how little time the jets crew had to
react. The German newspaper Frankfurter Rundschau later reported that the
video had been sped up three times. The paper quoted a U.S. Air Force
spokesperson who said this was accidental, and they had not noticed this
until months later by which point we did not deem it useful to go public
with this.
Radio Television Serbia, Belgrade, Serbia (April 23, 1999)
Sixteen employees of Serbias state broadcasting system were killed during
the Kosovo War when NATO intentionally targeted its headquarters in
Belgrade. President Clinton gave an underwhelming defense of the bombing:
Our military leaders at NATO believe
that the Serb television is an
essential instrument of Mr. Milosevics command and control.
It is not, in
a conventional sense, therefore, a media outlet. That was a decision they
made, and I did not reverse it. U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke told the
Overseas Press Club immediately after the attack that it was an enormously
important and, I think, positive development. Amnesty International later
stated it was a deliberate attack on a civilian object and as such
constitutes a war crime.
Chinese Embassy, Belgrade, Serbia (May 7, 1999)
Also during the Kosovo war, the U.S. bombed the Chinese embassy in Serbias
capital, killing three staff and wounding more than 20. The defense
secretary at the time, William Cohen, said it was a terrible mistake: One
of our planes attacked the wrong target because the bombing instructions
were based on an outdated map. The Observer newspaper in the U.K. later
reported the U.S. had in fact deliberately targeted the embassy after
discovering it was being used to transmit Yugoslav army communications. The
Observer quoted a source in the U.S. National Imagery and Mapping Agency
calling Cohens version of events a damned lie. Prodded by the media
watchdog organization Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, the New York Times
produced its own investigation finding no evidence that the bombing of the
embassy had been a deliberate act, but rather that it had been caused by a
bizarre chain of missteps. The article concluded by quoting Porter Goss,
then chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, as saying he believed the
bombing was not deliberate unless some people are lying to me.
Red Cross complex, Kabul, Afghanistan (October 16 and October 26, 2001)
At the beginning of the U.S-led invasion of Afghanistan, the U.S. attacked
the complex housing the International Committee of the Red Cross in Kabul.
In an attempt to prevent such incidents in the future, the U.S. conducted
detailed discussions with the Red Cross about the location of all of its
installations in the country. Then the U.S. bombed the same complex again.
The second attack destroyed warehouses containing tons of food and supplies
for refugees. Whoever is responsible will have to come to Geneva for a
formal explanation, said a Red Cross spokesperson. Firing, shooting,
bombing, a warehouse clearly marked with the Red Cross emblem is a very
serious incident.
Now weve got 55,000 people without that food or
blankets, with nothing at all.
Al Jazeera office, Kabul, Afghanistan (November 13, 2001)
Several weeks after the Red Cross attacks, the U.S. bombed the Kabul bureau
of Al Jazeera, destroying it and damaging the nearby office of the BBC. Al
Jazeeras managing director said the channel had repeatedly informed the
U.S. military of its offices location.
Al Jazeera office, Baghdad, Iraq (April 8, 2003)
Soon after the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, the U.S. bombed the
Baghdad office of Al Jazeera, killing reporter Tarek Ayoub and injuring
another journalist. David Blunkett, the British home secretary at the time,
subsequently revealed that a few weeks before the attack he had urged Prime
Minister Tony Blair to bomb Al Jazeeras transmitter in Baghdad. Blunkett
argued, I dont think that there are targets in a war that you can rule out
because you dont actually have military personnel inside them if they are
attempting to win a propaganda battle on behalf of your enemy.
In 2005, the British newspaper The Mirror reported on a British government
memorandum recording an April 16, 2004, conversation between Blair and
President Bush at the height of the U.S. assault on Fallujah in Iraq. The
Bush administration was infuriated by Al Jazeeras coverage of Fallujah, and
according to The Mirror, Bush had wanted to bomb the channel at its Qatar
headquarters and elsewhere. However, the article says, Blair argued him out
of it. Blair subsequently called The Mirrors claims a conspiracy theory.
Meanwhile, his attorney general threatened to use the Official Secrets Act
to prosecute any news outlet that published further information about the
memo, and, in a secret trial, did in fact prosecute and send to jail a civil
servant for leaking it.
Palestine Hotel, Baghdad, Iraq (April 8, 2003)
The same day as the 2003 bombing of the Al Jazeera office in Baghdad, a U.S.
tank fired a shell at the 15th floor of the Palestine Hotel, where most
foreign journalists were then staying. Two reporters were killed: Taras
Protsyuk, a cameraman for Reuters, and Jose Couso, a cameraman for the
Spanish network Telecinco. An investigation by the Committee to Protect
Journalists concluded that the attack, while not deliberate, was
avoidable.
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize