Is there such a thing as "good murder"? "Vengeance is Mine", Thus
saith the Lord." Somewhere I missed the section of the Bible where
God delegated Vengeance to Earthly governments.
So the Right to Lifers would save every Fetus, declaring abortion to
be murder. But they do not assume the responsibility of providing a
healthy life, a quality education, a rewarding job, and respect for
each one.
No, these are the same, "Right to Murder" folks who eagerly step up to
murder those precious little Fetuses when they have been neglected and
dehumanized to the point that they become a thorn in the flesh of
their Ruling Class.
They step forward to pull the switch or to inject the needle, then go
away, at peace in their belief that they have done God's Work.
Carl Jarvis
On 10/22/15, Roger Loran Bailey <dmarc-noreply@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
http://www.politicalaffairs.net/ethel-rosenberg-1915-1953-would-be-one-hundred-today-by-norman-markowitz/
Ethel Rosenberg(1915-1953) would be One Hundred Today by Norman Markowitz
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by: Monday 28 September 2015
Today something remarkable happened in the New York City Council. The
Council passed a resolution by Councilman Daniel Dromm honoring the
memory of Ethel Rosenberg on his hundredth birthday. Gale Brewer,
borough president of Manhatten, then declared September 28 "Ethel
Rosenberg Day of Justice in the Borough of Manhatten."
As someone who first joined the Committee to Re-Open the Rosenberg Case
in the 1970s, a never really thought I see something like this as long
as capitalism lasted in the U.S. And the world of the "partioti act,"
illegal searches and seizures, preventive detention, would warm the
heart of J. Edgar Hoover, whose name still graces the FBI bulding in
Washington, even though his monstrous crimes are fairly well known by
more and more people.
Below I have posted the Rosenberg Fund for Children Press release of the
remarkable events today above my article because it is really much more
important My only caveat would be some worry about separating Ethel and
Julius. Half a century ago, some conservative scholars, faced with the
overwhelming evidence of the injuste of the Sacco Vanzetti, the trial
conviction and eventual execution of two Italian immigrant anarchists
for a robbery and killing on the most evidence during the Red Scare of
1919-1920, contended one, the semi- literate Sacco was guilty and the
eloquent Vanzetti was innocent. When information released under the
Freedom of Information(far less extensive than what we have now) made it
clear that Ethel was brought into the case to intimidate Julius into
confessing and naming names(something the Rosenbergs could have done
right up to their last hours, but refused to do) the fall back position
was to reluctantly admit that Ethel was the victim of injustice but that
Julius of course was guilty,
Below the press release from the RosenberFund for Children I am
reposting an article that I wrote for Political Affairs on the Rosenberg
case, the great political show trial of the cold war era. Just as the
Sacco Vanzetti Case, two Italian immigrant anarchists largely framed
for a robbery and murder in Massachusetts during the post WWI Red Scare
and electricuted after an international campaign to save them(in which
activits of the then very young CPUSA, including the African-American
attorney, William Patterson, were involved) became the symbol of both
that Red Scare and the the reaction and repression which followed, so
the Rosenberg case should be a symbol of the worst political repression
of the cold war era.
Both Julius and Ethel were the victims of injustice as were Sacco and
Vanzetti. Both died in the electric chair before they reached the age
of forty, as did Sacco and Vanzetti. Both deserve to be honored, as
does Abel Meeropol, the teacher, writer and CPUSA activist who adopted
the Rosenberg boys who have born his name for sixty years. Under the
name of James Allen, who wrote for CPUSA publications and famously wrote
the song , "Strange Fruit," the classic anti-lynching song which Bille
Holliday sang and which was banned on commercial radio in the U.S. in
1939, fourteen years before the political execution of Julius and Ethel
Rosenberg
Norman Markowitz
For information contact:
Amber Black
Rosenberg Fund for Children
(413) 529-0063, amber@xxxxxxx
Ethel Rosenberg Receives Two Honors in New York City on Her 100th Birthday:
NYC Council Declares "government wrongfully executed Ethel Rosenberg"
"Ethel Rosenberg Day of Justice in the Borough of Manhattan" declared by
Manhattan Borough President
September 28, 2015, New York, NY - At 11:00 am Eastern, on September
28, 2015, in a ceremony on the steps of City Hall, New York City Council
Members gathered, with three generations of Ethel Rosenberg's
descendants present, to issue a stunning proclamation in Ethel's honor,
stating in part, "...the govenment wrongfully executed Ethel Rosenberg;
now therefore BE IT KNOWN: That we, the undersigned Members of the New
York City Council, honor the life and memory of Ethel Rosenberg in
observance of the 100th anniversary of her birth." See full proclamation
by Members of the New York CIty Countil here.
"Ethel Rosenberg was wrongfully executed in 1953 which resulted in her
two young children becoming orphans," said NYC Council Member Daniel
Dromm (D-Jackson Heights, Elmhurst). "Although nothing can erase this
terrible loss of life, I am pleased to join my colleagues in the Council
in posthumously acknowledging Ms. Rosenberg on the occasion of the 100th
anniversary of her birth. It is my hope that this tribute will restore
some dignity to the memory of this much-maligned New Yorker and her
family."
In addition, Gale Brewer, the Manhattan Borough President, bestowed a
remarkable honor of her own on Ethel, proclaiming, "...I, Gale A.
Brewer, do hereby recognize the injustice suffered by Ethel Rosenberg
and her family, and on the occasion of her 100th birthday on Monday,
September 28th, 2015, proclaim 'Ethel Rosenberg Day of Justice in the
Borough of Manhattan.'" See full proclamation by Borough President
Brewer here.
"...To have so many Council Members of my parents' hometown - my
hometown, my brother's hometown - acknowledge our mother's achievements
and note that she was wrongfully executed is a dream come true. Today, a
major elected institution of this great city and Manhattan's borough
President have taken important steps towards acknowledging a terrible
injustice. Next, it is time for the Federal Government to step up to do
the same." - excerpt of statement of Robert Meeropol, son of Ethel and
Julius Rosenberg
"Let me echo Rob’s thanks to the members of the City Council, the
Manhattan Borough President and the Public Advocate for recognizing the
injustice that was done to our mother and, as a result, to her entire
family.
We also want to make it clear that the unjust prosecution and execution
of our mother damaged our country as well...We believe that the issuance
of these proclamations implicitly calls upon the federal government to
take corrective action. We would like to make this request explicitly.
Therefore, we call upon Attorney General Lynch and President Obama to
acknowledge the injustice done to Ethel Rosenberg back in 1953 as a way
of learning from our past in the hope that similar injustices will be
avoided in the future."- excerpt of statement of Michael Meeropol, son
of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg
See full statements of Robert and Michael Meeropol (sons of Ethel and
Julius Roseberg) here.
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Articles > The Rosenberg Case in Historical Perspective
The Rosenberg Case in Historical Perspective
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by: Norman Markowitz
November 25 2008
tags: headlines for December 2008/January 2009, North America, Democracy,
phpIjS7sq.jpg
11-24-08, 9:27 am
The Rosenberg “atomic spy” case is 58 years old, yet its reverberations
are still being felt. In 1953, within three years of their arrest, Ethel
and Julius Rosenberg were executed for passing secret information about
the atomic bomb to the Soviet Union. From the beginning, many people
hotly contested the outcome of the trial. Many, on both sides, still use
the case to highlight the worst excesses of the Cold War. This past
September, the release of previously secret grand jury testimony related
to Ethel Rosenberg's role along with an 'admission' by Morton Sobell
made news. And with the inevitable host of misrepresentations and claims
made as a result, the case is worth reexamining in an historical
perspective.
My experience with the Rosenberg case began when I joined the Fund for
Open Information and Accountability (FOIA – formerly the Committee to
Re-Open the Rosenberg Case) in the mid-1970s. There, I met Michael and
Robert Meeropol, the Rosenberg’s sons, and also the late Marshall “Mike”
Perlin, Morton Sobell’s attorney in the 1951 trial. I also came to know
Walter and Miriam Schneir, whose pioneering work, Invitation to An
Inquest, in effect re-opened the case for a new audience in the late 1960s.
Prior to my involvement, the Committee to Re-open the Rosenberg Case
had compelled the FBI to release important but heavily censored
documents on the case using the Freedom of Information Act. While the
documents failed to prove Julius Rosenberg’s innocence, they provided
strong evidence that Ethel Rosenberg had been prosecuted as a ploy to
intimidate Julius. The declassified documents also showed that Judge
Irving Kaufman, who pronounced the death sentence on the Rosenbergs, had
in the two years leading up to their execution, conspired with the
Justice Department to thwart the defendant’s appeals. Kaufman’s actions,
by any legal standard, violated judicial ethics.
The Anti-communist Cottage Industry
Subsequently historian Ronald Radosh, who formerly associated with New
Left radicals in the 1960s, joined journalist Joyce Milton to use these
documents and various interviews in their 1983 book, The Rosenberg File.
This book claimed to affirm Julius Rosenberg’s guilt. It presented the
standard House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and FBI
portrayal of the Communist Party USA as a conspiratorial front for both
a Soviet-led world revolution and Soviet conquest of the United States.
At the time of its publication, I strongly criticized the Radosh and
Milton work as an attempt to legitimize the Reagan administration’s
extreme intensification of the Cold War. Reagan, who not by accident
gave Judge Kaufman the Medal of Freedom in 1987, had adopted a Cold War
mentality that also enlisted a cadre of historians to recycle the
anti-communist ideas of the 1950s. “The Witch-hunter’s Truth,” a
pamphlet published by the Fund, dealt with these issues. In 1983, I
attended a packed town hall debate between the Schneirs and Radosh and
Milton sponsored by The Nation Magazine. At that debate various sections
of the left and the former left, ranging from communists and
ex-communists to Cold War liberals and ex-Cold War liberals (who came to
support Reagan as self-styled “neo-conservatives”) showed up to cheer
and boo the respective sides.
In the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US government
released its decryptions of Soviet intelligence messages under the code
name “Venona Project.” Since then, anti-communist historians have often
used the decryptions in their research uncritically, even though such
documents are notoriously inaccurate and politically colored. They
created a sort of archival HUAC, to latch onto every encoded reference
as fact and compile lists of “agents” and “dupes” of the communist
conspiracy. Despite the fact that many such references are known to be
false or planted, many scientists, government officials, non-communist
journalists like the late I.F. Stone, found themselves accused of being
Soviet agents because of listings in the Venona files. Julius Rosenberg,
too, appeared in the Venona files under the code-name “liberal” as
having providing information to the Soviets during World War II.
Some additional investigation, however, brought the Venona Project
into serious doubt. For example, historians uncovered the fact that Kim
Philby, the leading Soviet agent in the 1940s who also happened to head
British counter-intelligence, knew about the Venona Project. Forced out
of British intelligence in 1949 and under suspicion for years, Philby
fled to the Soviet Union in 1963. Philby’s role and subsequent exposure
suggest that Venona materials from much of the 1940s should be
considered suspect. In addition, few serious historians doubted that the
FBI, under J. Edgar Hoover’s leadership, would hold itself above
doctoring documents to support its political schemes. Hoover, after all,
had furnished HUAC and Sen. Joseph McCarthy with all sorts of distorted
and incomplete documents to foster their scurrilous investigations.
Historians also now know that Hoover had used FBI files, many of them
distorted, to blackmail prominent figures.
By the mid-1990s, the case receded into memory. Ronald Radosh took to
writing books connecting Bill Clinton and the Democrats with communists
and becoming even more the caricature of a 1950s red-baiter. By this
time, second and third generation historians, who studied the Communist
Party in the late 1980s and 1990s, began to emerge from the smog of
anti-communism. Many of them came to portray Communist Party activists
as making positive contributions to the labor movement and to civil
rights and other struggles, even if this largely non-Marxist and
certainly non-communist scholarship often looked critically at formal
CPUSA positions and leadership.
About that time, I wrote an article for the Encyclopedia of American
National Biography on Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. I dealt with the case
as a politically motivated one, and addressed the clear anti-Semitic
subtext of the case. My article had an interesting effect. Both far
rightists on the Internet and historians, for whom study of the
communist movement can only be the study of espionage, denounced the
publication for permitting me to write the article. They referred to me
as a “proud, “self-confessed, “admitted” communist, which should have
disqualified me from writing about the Rosenbergs, since anything that I
wrote would be untrustworthy and deceptive. Only anti-communists, they
opined, could write about communists without being biased. Some even
accused me of insisting that the Rosenberg case was simply about
anti-Semitism. I felt as though I had been transported back into the
period I had written about, which many of my accusers seemed to have
never left.
New Evidence, Old Story
The recent revelations about the Rosenberg case added important
documentation to what we had been saying for years: that the authorities
fabricated evidence, particularly against Ethel. On September 11th, the
National Security Archives at George Washington University released
declassified grand jury testimony by Ruth Greenglass, Ethel's sister and
wife of alleged accomplice David Greenglass. In that grand jury
testimony, Ruth claimed that the secret information allegedly obtained
by David Greenglass and Julius Rosenberg was sent to Soviet agents
written in her own (Ruth's) handwriting. During the trial, however, Ruth
testified that Ethel Rosenberg typed the information. This perjured
contradiction caused historians reviewing the new documents to say it
both cleared Ethel and proved that the federal attorneys on the case
made up evidence against her in order to include her in the proceedings.
Such a fabrication, by any standard, should have put the entire trial
into jeopardy. It also shows that the US government executed a woman it
knew to be innocent.
While the major media largely ignored the Greenglass revelations, a
new piece of the story emerged at about the same time. On September
12th, the New York Times published what it called Morton Sobell’s
“confession.” Unfortunately for those who have obsessed over the spy
story for decades, Sobell made no mention of nuclear espionage – the
whole crux of the case – or that he knew that Julius Rosenberg had
anything to do with nuclear espionage. While the major media today
seemed firmly intent on continuing this impression, for it was the same
fabricated nuclear issue – that is allegedly handing to the Soviets 'the
secret of the atomic bomb' – for which both Ethel and Julius Rosenberg
were executed.
Sobell, now over 90, stated clearly that he all he did was work with
Julius Rosenberg to pass non-nuclear information to the Soviets during
World War II. Sobell wrote, “As for me, I helped an ally (admittedly
illegally) during World War II. I chose not to cooperate with the
government in 1950. The issues are now with the historians.” For a man
who spent 19 years doing hard time in federal prison for those wartime
activities, that is a fairly magnanimous statement.
Secret of the Atomic Bomb
Despite these new revelations, some aspects of the case, the most
important ones, remain unchanged. There was no such thing as the 'secret
of the atom bomb,' no more than there was a secret to the automobile.
Unfortunately, no scientific expert witness had the courage to say at
the Rosenberg’s trial in 1951. Scientists had known about nuclear
fission, the basic inner-workings of the bomb, since before World War
II. The atomic bomb project was 'an industry, not a recipe,' nuclear
physicist Phillip Morrison would say later.
When the US successfully built an atomic weapon, it became clear that
the Truman administration intended to use it to threaten the Soviets.
The US government shared nuclear information with the British during the
war but refused to do so its Soviet allies. When Harry Truman informed
Joseph Stalin at the Potsdam Conference that the US had successfully
tested such a weapon, he meant it as an implied threat to the Soviets to
conform to US dictates. Truman’s actions prompted the first steps in the
nuclear arms race. Stalin immediately ordered his subordinates to
contact Moscow and make the Soviet atom bomb project a high priority.
Americans built the first atomic bomb, but scientists familiar with
the project understood they would probably not be the last. The Truman
administration, as part of its developing Cold War policy against the
Soviets, decided immediately after the war to refuse to work with the
Soviets in the United Nations to promote a nuclear disarmament program.
Truman wanted to maintain a monopoly over nuclear weapons, develop those
weapons in quantity and quality, and use this nuclear monopoly to gain
global hegemony.
The goal of maintaining a nuclear monopoly failed for many reasons.
The Soviets’ successful explosion of a nuclear device in 1949 stood as
only one of many causes for this failure. Political reaction to the
Soviets’ successful test led directly to hysterical claims that Soviet
spies in the Communist Party stole the “secret” of the atomic bomb.
Right-wing pundits and demagogues blamed American communists and the
Soviets entirely for the nuclear war danger, despite the fact that only
the US had ever used an atomic bomb on people. Based on that irrational
assertion and using a guilt by association logic, McCarthyites justified
any action to fight the Soviets and go after communist movements as well
as non-communist groups suspected of communist affiliations. The
Rosenberg-Sobell political show trial served as “proof” for that assertion.
Spies Among Us
I do not mean to suggest that no spies were involved with nuclear
questions. No one argued in 1951, for example, that Klaus Fuchs did not
pass information to the Soviets. Fuchs, however, worked as an actual
physicist, not an engineer and machine shop operator like Julius
Rosenberg or a draftsman and college dropout like David Greenglass.
In recent years, historians also proved that Theodore Hall met with
Soviet officials in New York in June 1945 and provided them with a
drawing of a model of the atomic bomb that proved valuable for their
project. Shortly before his death (he went on to a distinguished
scientific career in Britain), Hall said that he took these steps to
keep the US from establishing monopoly control over the atom bomb and
nuclear weapons after the war. Such a monopoly would have endangered the
world, he believed.
Likewise, historians think that physicist Joel Koval worked for the
Soviets. Koval was born in Iowa to pre-revolution immigrants from
Czarist Russia. Later, the Kovals moved with Joel to Birobidjan, a
Jewish autonomous region in the Soviet Union established for Jewish
citizens who wished to live in an area specifically set aside for Jews.
There, Koval distinguished himself as a student of physics and then, in
a story fit for Hollywood, returned to the US as an agent of Soviet
military intelligence. Ironically, the Putin government of the
capitalist “new Russia” gave him a posthumous medal.
Abuses of Power
The Soviet Union wasn't the only foreign country with spies operating
in the US during the 1930 and 1940s. During this time, America had a
large racist, openly anti-Semitic isolationist right wing, which only
reluctantly joined the war effort against the Nazis. This ultra right
included corporate leaders who prior to the war had been happy to do
business with Hitler, as well as US military and State Department
figures who sought to limit aid to the Soviets at a time when they were
taking on more than 80 percent of Axis ground forces in Europe.
With the future of the world literally hanging in the balance, World
War II was a desperate and unusual circumstance. Although the Soviet
Union and the US were allies, the FBI, extensive recent scholarship has
shown, continued to regard the Communist Party, anti-fascist émigrés
from Germany and other countries, and all who had contact with the
Soviet Union during the war as enemies, greater enemies even than
individuals and groups that had pro-fascist and pro-Nazi sympathies. J.
Edgar Hoover even put Eleanor Roosevelt and her friends under
surveillance in an attempt to discredit her and her circle on political
and personal grounds. And most of the military and corporate leaders
whose powers now greatly increased during the war refused to hide their
deep and long-standing hostility to the Communist Party or see the war
in anti-fascist terms.
Patriotic, Not Subversive
Thousands of Communist Party members in the military services
initially faced major forms of discrimination, from segregation into
units that the military reserved for troublemakers to attempts to bar
them from officers training programs. This didn’t prevent an estimated
15,000 communists from serving in the US armed forces during World War
II. Some served in the OSS (ironically, the predecessor to the CIA),
where their knowledge of and commitment to fighting fascism made them in
effect “advanced” soldiers. Others received decorations for individual
acts of heroism. Collectively, the Communist Party focused its energies
on achieving victory over fascism, winning the war and the peace.
Communists organized the campaign to open an early Second Front, which,
had it come to fruition earlier, might have saved millions of lives in
Europe and Asia.
The Communist Party made serious mistakes. It supported, for example,
the incarceration of Japanese Americans, for which it later issued a
formal apology long before the US government did. The Communist Party’s
total commitment to winning the war and the use of all of its influence
in all sectors of society, however, represented the highest form of
patriotism. This sense of patriotic duty, shared by millions of
working-class people, went unmatched by the capitalist class, which had
to be bribed with cost-plus contracts to increase war production.
Conservative politicians, who turned a blind eye to war profiteering,
fought to protect corporate profits and sowed the seeds of racism.
Large sections of the US ruling class felt uneasy with and expressed
contempt for what they saw as a “love affair” with the Soviet people.
Mass media celebrated Soviet heroism and even portrayed Joseph Stalin as
a friendly “Uncle Joe.” Capitalists and the right wing feared that these
sentiments somehow would spill over into a postwar radicalization,
making it more difficult to trot out the Soviet bogey.
These conditions fostered an environment in which some people
concluded that providing aid to the Soviet Union to help their war
effort, despite opposition from right-wing leaders of the military
industrial complex, served the interests of both the Soviet and American
people.
Serious students of Communist Party activists in this period, those
who have looked at rank-and-file communists and their activism, stress
their identification with and love of the US working class, its vital
popular culture and its potential to advance democracy and socialism.
These widely held beliefs became something like a left “American
exceptionalism,” a belief that all of US history from the Declaration of
Independence and Bill of Rights to Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and
Roosevelt's Four Freedoms and Economic Bill of Rights were large steps
on the road to an eventual socialist “great society” which would play a
major role in liberating humanity. While such views may be criticized as
naïve or even utopian, making it difficult for many to respond to the
massive and relatively sudden postwar repression, these views were a far
cry from “subversive.”
Friends of the Rosenbergs have long portrayed them in this light. These
were people who, for ill or for good, admired both Soviet leader Joseph
Stalin and President Franklin Roosevelt as advancing the struggle for
working-class liberation against fascism. They saw them as helping to
bring about more than a “better world,” but a world with a socialist
system that fostered equality, peace and social justice. If patriotism
in its most simple definition means love of country, this was the
America that communists defended and loved, rather than the America of
Standard Oil, Herbert and J. Edgar Hoover, the corporate leadership
ready and willing to do business with Hitler, Mussolini and the Japanese
militarists both to make money and fight socialist revolutions.
Loose Ends
Attorney Mike Perlin always said that the Rosenberg-Sobell trial was a
frame-up, and even with the recent statement of his client, Morton
Sobell, the new material released by the National Security Archives
showed that. Those who for political purposes continue to try to make
the history of the Communist Party a story of spies and conspiracy
should be permitted to wallow in their own irrelevance, both to any
serious study of the communist movement as a social movement or for that
matter to any understanding of the complexities of espionage.
Other questions remain unanswered, some perhaps unanswerable. Did the
information that Klaus Fuchs, Theodore Hall, Joel Koval and others
provide the Soviets enable them to get a bomb in four years rather than
the 10 years estimated by US intelligence? No one can say. Had the
Soviets not gotten the atomic bomb when they did, would Truman's threat
to use atomic weapons in the Korean War against both Korea and China
have been carried out? Quite likely.
Judge Irving Kaufman, in ordering Julius and Ethel Rosenberg’s
execution, accused them of sentencing to death millions, including their
own children by giving the Soviet Union the “secret” of the atom bomb.
In that rationalization of the death sentence, Kaufman both told the big
lie of the Rosenberg-Sobell case and expressed perfectly the purpose of
the trial. No “secret” of the atom bomb existed for Julius Rosenberg to
provide anyone. There was, however, the Korean War and a new race to
build the hydrogen bomb. Above all, Kaufman pronounced his sentence
during a Cold War that promised war without end. The ideology of
anti-communism buttressed by the terror that possible nuclear war would
bring stood at the heart of the trial, the conviction and the executions.
Let me conclude by putting the shoe politically on the other foot. In
the future, the US government may view it politically feasible to give
historians and journalists the incentive to seriously study the
relationship of US corporations both before and during World War II to
their business allies and subsidiaries in Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy
and Imperial Japan. As a result of those relationships some corporations
made available important secrets used for information technology,
synthetic rubber, aircraft development and other materials of immediate
and direct military value to the Axis war machines.
And perhaps these writers will study those political, business and
military leaders whom Axis intelligence reports often commented upon
favorably, not to mention those who leaked information about Roosevelt’s
pre-war efforts to aid the allies in order to deliberately scuttle those
efforts, or the military leaders like George Patton who wanted an
immediate war against the Soviets after hostilities with the Germans
ended. Perhaps new light may be shed on US military leaders who busily
prepared “preventive war” scenarios against the Soviets in which the US
control of atomic weapons emerged as “the winning weapon” against the
Soviet Red Army. Some historians have found bits and pieces of evidence
to support such views in government archives (see, for example, the book
IBM and the Holocaust, by Edwin Black), but access to classified
materials on this side of the issue might present a much fuller picture.
--Norman Markowitz is a contributing editor of PoliticalAffairs.net.
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• Probably no fluke of history at all, that the Rosenberg and Meeropol
children met Meeropol at a Christmas party at W. E. B. Du Bois's home.
It shows the wedding of oppressed peoples, and our resolve as such, to
stop oppression and wrong for good.
Let this wedding continue for good and forever.
We shall win this "good fight".
Posted by E.E.W. Clay, 10/12/2015 9:34am (10 days ago)
• Probably no fluke of history at all, that the Rosenberg and Meeropol
children met Meeropol at a Christmas party at W. E. B. Du Bois's home.
It shows the wedding of oppressed peoples, and our resolve as such, to
stop oppression and wrong for good.
Let this wedding continue for good and forever.
We shall win this "good fight".
Posted by E.E.W. Clay, 10/09/2015 4:49pm (13 days ago)
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