Yemen’s Marib Offensive Born of Desperation, with No Sign Saudis/US Will
Cease Their War
Having all but given up on the prospect of peaceful settlement under the
administration of Joe Biden, the Houthis are now betting it all on retaking
Yemen’s oil-rich Marib province from Saudi Arabia.
by Ahmed Abdulkareem
March 12th, 2021
By Ahmed Abdulkareem
MARIB, YEMEN — Overcoming a rugged and Sahara-like desert climate and under
the constant fire of Saudi warplanes, Tawfiq Hassan, a third-term Sufi law
school student, along with a cadre of other young Yemeni fighters, partook
in the recent liberation of the Nakhla Valley near the western gate of the
city of Marib.
“To recapture Marib and its natural resources is the last chance to secure
its oil,” Tawfiq told MintPress. But for Khaled Mudaher, a soldier in
Yemen’s Republican Guard, liberating Marib is a sacred patriotic duty. ”They
bomb us, kidnap our women, block medicine and fuel, and steal our wealth,”
Mudaher lamented.
Battles over Yemen’s oil-rich Marib province, which lies only 100 kilometers
east of the capital Sana’a, have raged on since 2015 when the war began. The
clashes pit Saudi-led Coalition soldiers and their Salafist militant allies
against Yemeni forces supported by the Houthis as well as partisans from
local tribes. Those clashes have become more fierce as the war and
Saudi-imposed blockade approach six years’ duration on March 26, and amid a
new push by Sana’a to liberate the last strongholds of the Saudi-led
Coalition from Riyadh’s control.
For the past few months, Yemeni forces have fought a grueling ground
campaign to recapture strategic points on Marib battlefields, including
villages and military positions surrounding Marib city. Across the western
and north-western oil-rich fronts, fierce clashes have erupted as more and
more local tribes join battles to reclaim ancient landmarks with evocative
names from Saudi forces. From The Thunders and The Hunter’s Birthmark to the
strategic Shower Heights overlooking the Dish of Jinn and the tribal Balkan
Mountains near the famous Marib Dam itself, long battles slog on, peppered
with small but frequent hit-and-run battles in outlying districts, including
Altielat Alhamra. Coalition forces for their part claim that they are
thwarting ٍSana’a’s advance and have recaptured many of the liberated sites.
Escalation born of desperation
The recent escalation is not only a result of the brutal siege and
bombardment of Yemen, which has bred a communal sense of desperation, but it
is also born from a recognition that there are no real intentions on behalf
of the Saudis or Americans to stop the war. That sense of hopelessness has
had fuel poured onto it in the form of violent acts carried out by Saudi
forces that violate the core tenants and mores of Yemeni people, not to
mention their very dignity.
On February 1, Saudi-backed militants raided the homes of an unknown number
of displaced families in Marib and kidnapped seven women who were allegedly
then sold to Saudi Arabia. Five of the women were kidnapped on a Saturday
night and, as locals were still reeling, the militants returned the next
morning and kidnapped two more women by force. The news quickly spread
across Yemen and anger mounted, sparking dozens of protests against Saudi
forces. Major tribes in Marib, who for decades have maintained either
neutrality or loyalty to Saudi Arabia, held a meeting in Sana’a to declare
their desire to create a united front and expel Saudi forces and their
allies. The declaration came on the heels of historic non-aggression
treaties signed between Houthi-backed Yemeni forces and elders from Marib’s
indigenous tribes of Ubaidah, Murad, Jahm, and Jadaan in the weeks leading
up to the kidnappings.
Tragic stories drive the fight
Yemen’s battlefields, especially those in Marib, are a picture of
contradiction. On one side are the latest warplanes and weapons made by the
likes of Raytheon and BAE; fighters from a variety of backgrounds, including
al-Qaeda and ISIS; Egyptians; American and British experts; and an extensive
network of intelligence agents from around the world monitoring everything.
On the other, young partisans with Kalashnikovs and machine guns; sometimes
artillery or missiles mounted to the back of an old pickup truck; and
explosive charges, usually old Soviet-era RPGs. They advance under heavy
airstrikes and bombings through the rugged terrain, usually wearing sandals
but sometimes barefoot.
There are no paranormal forces aiding their advance, but incentives born out
of desperation. Some are steeped in patriotism, some bear a sense of
religious duty; but a majority are driven by some tragic story. A loved-one
lost in an airstrike or to hunger or disease, unable to travel abroad for
treatment. Others have had to pull family members from beneath the rubble of
their own homes. Most have lost their jobs, homes, or farms. But all of
their stories speak to the suffering endured by Yemenis.
Yemen
A Yemeni boy prays at the grave of a relative killed fighting Saudi-led
forces, at a cemetery in Sana’a,. Mar. 2, 2021. Hani Mohammed | AP
The Saudi-led Coalition’s campaign in Marib is not limited to the massive
airstrikes for which it is now known, but it relies heavily on
ideologically-driven fighters from al-Qaeda and Daesh armed with the latest
Western weapons. On the al-Murad battlefield, members of al-Qaeda led by
Mansur Mabkhout Hadi al-Faqir al-Mouradi, known colloquially as “Zubair
Al-Mouradi,” have many tasks including artillery bombardment, bomb-making,
and their trademark across the Middle East, planting IEDs.
According to a recent report from Yemen’s Security and Intelligence Agency
(SIA), the Saudi government has facilitated a massive al-Qaeda presence in
the oil-rich Marib province. This includes a fully-equipped headquarters,
shelters, houses, farms, camps, and hotels used openly by al-Qaeda-linked
groups. The SIA released the names of more than 100 leaders and members of
the so-called “State of Marib” and presented the tasks assigned to them.
Massive Ansar Allah Operation in Central Yemen Reveals Alliance Between
al-Qaeda and Islamic State
A recent operation carried out in Yemen’s al-Badya province by Ansar Allah
revealed an active alliance between al-Qaeda and IS forces.
MintPress News | Ahmed Abdulkareem | Sep 14, 2020
According to the SIA, the leadership of the organization in the “State of
Marib” has established a safe haven for the group in the Shabwa governorate,
establishing medical and reception shelters to aid Saudi-led military
operations. Moreover, the villages of Al-Khatla and al-Fageir, the al-Jufina
region, and the Wakra region in Marib have all turned into al-Qaeda
strongholds.
In fact, al-Qaeda has become more organized and publicly active. They have a
fully-functioning organizational structure with Samir Rayan, also known as
Mutaz al-Hadhrami, appointed as “Amir of the state of Marib,” and Jamal
al-Qamadi, known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-San’ani, appointed as a medical
officer and military logistics official. Osama al-Hasani, also known as
Muath al-San’ani, has been appointed as head of al-Qaeda. Their
organizational structure includes an official to oversee transportation, a
medical representative at the Commission Hospital in the Marib, a
procurement officer, and even an official to head the organization’s
“housing.”
“No Iranians here”
Bakeil al-Murady’s face immediately began to redden and a thoughtful grin
appeared when I asked the 35-year-old, who had been captured on Marib’s
al-Alam battlefield, whether he really believed that he was on a sacred
mission to defend against the Iranians. “There are no Iranians here, but
there are Saudi Rials and we are in need,” he answered. Like most Yemenis,
al-Murady was inundated by warnings of Iranian intervention in Yemen from
Saudi-funded media but never saw it with his own eyes. Most hear tidbits of
news about the Iranian nuclear program or other aspects of the country that
lies two thousand kilometers away but has been tied ad nauseam to the war in
Yemen.
As the media ties recent developments in Yemen to the Iranian nuclear issue
or to Houthi attempts to position themselves favorably for potential
American-led negotiations, the tragic truth on the ground is that the plight
of 17 million Yemenis is being wholly ignored.
This Is Yemen After Biden Declared An End to American Support for the War
Biden sparked a sense of hope around the world that the war on Yemen could
finally be over but for those on the ground, bombs keep falling, food is
scarce and hope is in short supply.
MintPress News | Ahmed Abdulkareem | Feb 12
The offensive against Saudi Arabia taking place in oil-rich Marib, a
province deep inside of Yemen, was launched as part of an effort to end, or
at least deter, ongoing Saudi airstrikes against civilian targets and to
force the Saudis to allow the entry of life-saving goods. It has nothing to
do with the Iranian nuclear program or a future settlement. In fact, most
Yemenis, including the Houthis, have announced repeatedly that their only
demand is that the blockade against Yemen ends and that the airstrikes be
halted. The simple reality of the battle over Marib is that, regardless of
the outcome of the Iranian nuclear deal, it will rage on until Saudi
Arabia’s deadly campaign in Yemen grinds to a halt.
Death from the air
On Sunday, scenes of frightened children and families fleeing their homes
amidst plumes of rising smoke were repeated after Saudi warplanes bombarded
the densely populated al-Nahdhah neighborhood in central Sana’a. The
airstrikes hit near Halima Girls School, causing damage to the school and
surrounding houses and civic facilities. The attack was one of more than a
hundred Saudi airstrikes that targeted populated areas and military sites
this week across Yemen, including a scientific center in Arhab.
Yemen
Smoke rises following Saudi airstrikes in a residential area of Sanaa, Mar.
7, 2021. Hani Mohammed | AP
In retaliation for the airstrikes, on Sunday the Houthi-backed Yemeni
military launched 22 drone and missile attacks against Saudi targets,
including an Aramco oil facility in the port of Ras Tanura, the largest of
its kind in the world, located north of the capital of Saudi Arabia’s
eastern province of Dammam. The attacks came on the back of other Yemeni
strikes on Saudi targets, including on the Abha Airport and King Khalid Air
Base, located near Khamis Mushait, some 884 kilometers south of the Saudi
capital Riyadh. Both of the airbases have been used to launch airstrikes
against targets in Yemen, according to officials.
Yemen’s Houthi-backed Army unveiled the ballistic missiles and drones that
were used in Sunday’s attacks on Ras Tanura last Thursday in an event in
which Mahdi al-Mashat, the president of the Supreme Political Council,
reiterated that attacks on Saudi Arabia will stop if the Kingdom halts
airstrikes in Yemen and lifts the blockade on the country.
“Sparkling words”
The UN has warned that the recent clashes in Marib could trigger the
displacement of thousands of civilians. “An assault on the city would put
two million civilians at risk, with hundreds of thousands potentially forced
to flee — with unimaginable humanitarian consequences,” U.N aid chief Mark
Lowcock said on Tuesday, urging de-escalation.
According to the UN, more than 8,000 people have been displaced in and
around Sirwah since early February, many of them fleeing existing refugee
camps. Sana’a said the camps are being used as human shields and that
Saudi-backed militants are preventing civilians from leaving the province in
order to obstruct the advance of Houthi-led forces towards Ma’rib or to spur
anger from the international community should the advance continue.
Marib
A girl plays at a camp for internally displaced people in Marib, October 2,
2020. Ali Owidha | Reuters
ِThe advance on Marib has sparked panic among Saudi Arabia and her allies,
including the United States, which called on the “Houthis” to stop military
operations, warning them that they should not interpret President Joe
Biden’s public pivot on Yemen as a sign of weakness. “The Houthis are under
the false impression that this administration intends to let its leadership
off the hook,” U.S. State Department spokesman and former intelligence
officer Ned Price said, adding, “They are sorely mistaken.”
On Thursday, Secretary of State Antony Blinken added that “The United States
joins France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom in condemning the
Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia and their offensive in Ma’rib,” concluding,
“We call on all parties to engage in the diplomatic efforts through the
Yemen process to bring peace to Yemen.”
Mohamed AbdulSalam, the official spokesman and chief negotiator for Ansar
Allah, the political arm of the Houthis, responded by tweeting “The U.S.
depicts the battle of Marib as an aggression, asking us not to defend
ourselves and leave the terrorist recruitment centers to operate with
freedom.” AbdulSalam insisted that the military operation in Marib was not a
spur-of-the-moment decision, nor was it decided on January 20, when
President Biden assumed power. He added, “So far, the American statements
have been still [just] words. We have not noticed any actual progress; the
airstrikes and the blockade are continued with American backing. Sparkling
words will not deceive us.”
The Yemenis’ rush to liberate Marib, which is home to sizable oil reserves,
may be understood in light of the stifling humanitarian crisis foisted upon
the country for the past six years — especially the ongoing fuel crisis,
which has plunged much of the nation into darkness. It is incomprehensible
to many Yemenis that international criticism has now surfaced over the
advance on Marib when the same critics cannot muster condemnation of the
battles, airstrikes, and blockade that are battering and squeezing more than
30 million people already struggling against famine and Covid-19.