https://socialistaction.org/2017/01/31/how-to-fight-trump-defeating-democratic-party-strategy-is-key/
How to fight Trump? Defeating Democratic Party strategy is key
/ 2 days ago
feb-2017-wom-chi-markBy MARK UGOLINI
Donald Trump, a pompous real-estate mogul and multi-billionaire, has
taken the White House while surrounded by billionaire cabinet appointees
who have a combined net worth greater than one-third of the United
States. An Ivy-League-educated bigot, who from childhood has become
accustomed to an opulent lifestyle, including a Manhattan “grand
penthouse mansion” with gold-plated furnishings, has the temerity to
present himself as the voice of the downtrodden and the defender of
American workers.
Trump’s inaugural address was a demagogic mixture of populist and
nationalistic rhetoric. The assembled dignitaries were a “Who’s Who” of
the ruling elite: nationally prominent political hacks, lobbyists, and
influence peddlers intermingled among the most powerful captains of
industry and finance.
Oblivious to the irony, Trump said: “Washington flourished, but the
people did not share in its wealth. Politicians prospered, but the jobs
left and factories closed. The establishment protected itself, but not
the citizens of our country. … That all changes, starting right here and
right now.”
Trump’s comments are intended to manipulate and deceive workers into
believing that he can bring back good paying manufacturing jobs. Despite
his orchestrated media events, posing to “threaten” companies planning
to move operations elsewhere, he has offered few details on how more
jobs will be created.
Trump blames Mexico, China, and other countries when U.S.-based
companies outsource jobs and build factories outside the U.S. where
wages are very low. He also continues scapegoating immigrants for loss
of jobs.
The new administration plans a major shift in trade policy, and Trump
has already threatened Mexico with a 20% tariff if they don’t pay for
the wall on the border. Other statements, and selection of Peter Navaro
as a top trade advisor, signal an aggressive move on China. Navaro is a
well-known advocate of this approach. However, the administration has
received harsh warnings that raising tariffs will only cause higher
prices for consumer goods, added unemployment for some sectors of the
U.S. workforce, and run a high risk of a trade war.
Trumps words are deceitful, cynically ignoring the reality of an
ever-expanding global economy dominated by huge multinational
corporations and banks. The only way U.S. capitalists might attract new
jobs would be to accelerate severe austerity measures that drive down
wages and weaken or eliminate unions and all the protections they provide.
According to Trump, the U.S. role in the world will reflect “a new
vision … America First,” to advance U.S. domination and supremacy over
world markets by means somewhat different from past administrations. His
aggressively nationalistic foreign policy will drive toward the same
objective as Obama’s before him—free reign for the huge multinational
corporate and banking interests to dominate and control the world economy.
Trump revealed more of his view of “America First” in a Jan. 25
interview with ABC News. He explained, “We should’ve kept the oil when
we got out” of Iraq in 2011. “To the victors go the spoils,” said Trump
in another interview, arrogantly declaring an intention to steal Iraq’s
national resources. He prefers this course, recognized as “illegal”
under international law, rather than the more veiled imperialist
approach of previous administrations, allowing the huge energy giants
like Exxon and Chevron to exploit Iraq’s oil resources through “legal”
means. Either way, mega-profits end up in the hands of the same
capitalist oil barons.
Reactionary executive orders
During his first week, Trump made sweeping executive orders to begin
implementation of his party’s reactionary agenda. Here are some of the
most significant:
•Health care: Allowed government agencies and states to waive or delay
implementation of Affordable Care Act provisions and undermine existing
insurance markets. These actions threaten the existing insurance-based
system and could result in the loss of health insurance coverage for
over 20 million Americans.
•Women’s reproductive rights: Reinstated the so-called “Mexico City
Policy,” which prohibits use of taxpayer money to fund non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) that perform or promote abortions. One NGO that
promotes family planning reports that loss of funding will result in 2.1
million unsafe abortions worldwide.
•Climate change: Provided backing for construction of both the Dakota
Access and Keystone XL Pipelines. TransCanada, the energy giant behind
the XL Pipeline, is instructed to re-submit its application for a
presidential permit to construct the pipeline and promises action by the
Secretary of State within 60 days.
•Immigration: Orders were issued to: take first steps to construct a
wall along the U.S.-Mexico border, which will cost up to $25 billion;
construct and operate detention facilities near the border; hire 5000
additional Border Patrol agents and 10,000 additional immigration
officers to intensify harassment; empower state and local police
agencies to act as immigration officers; target undocumented immigrants
for removal who have been convicted or accused of a law violation; end
federal aid to “sanctuary cities”; institute a 90-day ban of nearly all
permanent immigration from seven majority Muslim countries (Iraq, Syria,
Iran, Sudan, Libya, Somalia, and Yemen), with provision to extend the
ban indefinitely; suspend the entry of refugees into the U.S. for 120
days, and direct officials to determine additional screening; suspend
entry of refugees from Syria indefinitely.
The sweeping executive orders signify a major escalation in a racist war
on immigrants and immigration rights. The new restrictions constitute
state-sponsored religious persecution of Muslims; Trump said priority
for admission would be given to Christians. These immigration orders
need to be forcefully condemned by all who support and value democratic
freedoms; the demonstrations that have erupted in cities and airports
around the country point the way forward.
Outpouring of protest in the streets
Even before Trump’s inauguration, a massive outcry of opposition was
already erupting. Millions have taken to the streets in this country and
around the globe.
Most prominent were historic Woman’s Marches in over 600 U.S. cities and
on seven continents, involving over 4 million worldwide. This was the
most powerful mass protest in U.S. history. Over 600,000 protested in
Washington, D.C., 750,000 in Los Angeles, 500,000 in New York City and
250,000 in Chicago, but these are just the largest.
The Woman’s Marches were fueled by widespread revulsion with Trump’s
sexist actions and statements, and strong support for abortion rights
and other woman’s right’s issues. Strong opposition to other aspects of
Trumps agenda were raised in homemade signs and banners. Special focus
centered on the fightback against Trump’s racist anti-Black,
anti-Latino, anti-Native American, and anti-immigrant policies. Many
protesters were also fighting for health care, climate justice, and LGBT
rights.
The message was crystal clear—a resounding “no” to the plans of Trump
and his reactionary cohorts. The woman organizers of the protest
developed a powerful “Guiding Vision and Defining Principles” document
that codified the goals of the march. It expressed a realization that
all forms of oppression are connected and related; and to fight against
one can require a fight against all.
This represents an important step for the women’s movement, one that
points toward generalized awareness that the system itself breeds these
injustices. As socialists and Marxists, we believe that all forms of
oppression have their roots in the capitalist system, one that is
organized for profit rather than human needs.
The power of the woman’s march was also reflected in the very large
number of marchers who demonstrated for the first time. This first
experience in independent political action can have a large impact on
political consciousness.
A few unions endorsed the Woman’s Marches, but sadly, the vast majority
of unions were not supporters. Substantial union participation would
have greatly enhanced the power and strength of the movement and more
broadly reflect the support of American workers.
Democrats try to mislead protesters
The Democratic Party and its support groups have played a prominent role
in the organization of many anti-Trump protests, including the Women’s
Marches. At a number of these events, office holders, officials, and
organizers who are affiliated or aligned with the Democratic Party were
prominent on speaker platforms and set a political tone designed to
channel activists into various lobbying efforts to advance future
electoral success.
Left-liberal Democrats are strongly promoting “100 Days of Resistance,”
urging lobbying actions designed to block the Republican congressional
agenda and promote local and national electoral campaigns. They urge
protest activists to lobby members of Congress, run for local offices as
Democrats, and work with organizations committed to “taking over the
Democratic Party.”
The notion that the Democratic Party, built on endless wars and racism,
can be “taken over” and transformed from a capitalist party to one that
represents working people is pure fantasy, and will only confuse and
disorient the movement. It’s part of a broader effort to manipulate
independent struggle, tamp down its militancy, and channel new activists
into an electoral framework and capitalist politics. Obama correctly
explained the common ruling-class interests of the two major parties
after the election when he reminded his supporters, “We are all on the
same team.”
This has been the primary role of the Democratic Party throughout
history. In past elections, the Democrats often presented themselves as
champions of working-class and minority communities. But during the 2016
presidential race, Hillary Clinton’s campaign largely took these
traditional allies for granted and more openly featured full-throated
support for Wall Street interests, leaving the field wide open for
Trump’s populist message.
The preceding eight years of a Democrat in the White House proved to be
anything but “hope and change” for working people. It started with
bailouts of the giant financial firms and auto barons, while the working
class fell victim to large-scale unemployment, union-busting wage cuts,
home foreclosures, and other austerity measures.
These years produced record profits for the tiny few and soaring income
inequality. Good paying jobs remained scarce, with growing poverty and
homelessness. The Democrats paid little attention to the despair and
anger that was growing, and were only concerned with counting heads when
it came time to “get people to the polls.”
The illusion that fundamental social progress can be won under the
leadership of the Democratic Party, or any capitalist political party,
is one that is challenged directly by revolutionary Marxists. This is
borne out by history.
Some Democratic Party-influenced anti-Trump protests portrayed the
election as “illegitimate” because Trump’s victory was determined by the
Electoral College, despite Clinton’s winning the popular vote. This is
premised on the conception that, despite a few flaws, the U.S.
government operates on principles of democracy and majority rule.
Instead, a tiny capitalist ruling class maintains its rule through a
highly organized and repressive state apparatus. It will maintain its
vital interests through brutal force and violence whenever necessary.
The democratic rights available to working people were won through
bitter and hard fought working-class battles over years past.
Presidential elections were never based on majority rule. This is why
the Electoral College was codified in the Constitution in the first
place, along with other measures designed to ensure domination by the
wealthier strata of society. Today, eliminating the Electoral College
would not make U.S elections democratic. The restrictions imposed by the
rigid two-party electoral system are one reason for this.
An onerous set of undemocratic election laws effectively lock competing
political parties out and restrict their ability to compete. These laws
create insurmountable obstacles for smaller parties to gain ballot
status and participate in forums and debates.
The Democratic Party’s strategy relies on bickering over Trump’s cabinet
appointments and participation in electoral activities, keeping
opposition to new attacks within the narrow framework of the routine
legislative sparring between the two capitalist parties.
We need a fundamentally different approach—a strategy that builds
massive independent actions in the streets opposing all racist attacks;
assaults on woman’s, LGBT, Native, and immigration rights; for climate
justice; and opposing all austerity measures designed to drive down the
standard of living of U.S. workers. Powerful independent demonstrations
in the streets around these issues can provide a political impact truly
capable of defeating Trump’s ugly plans.
There are signs that the growing movement has begun to include sections
of the U.S. working class that have a major stake in the
battle—including African Americans, Latinos, and all immigrant
communities. These forces will play a big role in future class battles.
Unfortunately, today’s unions and many traditional organizations of the
oppressed communities are hobbled by a severe crisis of leadership,
utterly enmeshed in Democratic Party politics. Hopefully, the organized
labor movement, when faced with the inevitable attacks from the new
Republican administration, will begin to rely on its own strength and
power, rather than following the bankrupt strategy of the Democrats.
Ultimately, the fightback will require working people and their allies
to make a clean break with the Democrats and to form their own political
party.
Photo: Women’s March in Chicago, Jan. 21. Mark Ugolini / Socialist Action
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January 31, 2017 in Civil Liberties, Trump / U.S. Government.
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